How to achieve expert status, HR Zone - Emphasis

How to achieve expert status, HR Zone How to achieve expert status, HR Zone Browse the business aisles of any bookshop and youll find an array of how-to titles. Whether youre hiring or firing, theres guaranteed to be a text extolling the latest methods, explains Rob Ashton. It can be tempting to think that these gurus are cut from a different cloth to normal folk. But the reality is that theyve achieved their expert status in large part by putting their thoughts and ideas in writing. Imagine that youve launched a company-wide initiative that will reduce labour turnover by 10 per cent over a six-month period. The managing director has asked you to share your success at the annual conference. But as the big day looms, you decide to let a colleague take the daunting task of speaking at the podium. Your colleague not only presents the project in all its glory, but speaks with such authority that people automatically associate her with being the expert. And youre left with little, if any, public recognition. The moral of the story (aside from always accepting public speaking invitations) is to make sure you own your ideas by getting them down on paper. For example, you could have distributed reports to all the employees in your company to demonstrate that you were the expert in that particular initiative. Cultivating expert status through writing is a smart move. It can lead to promotions, awards and all manner of challenging opportunities. You may not want to be a Sunday Times bestselling author, but you can still gain credibility within the HR world by writing reports, articles, white papers and blogs. So here are five steps to help you write your way to expert status in your organisation and beyond. One Always ask what employees need and want, even if youve been working with them for years. People change, so keep finding out what really makes them tick. Then, consistently take action to develop original HR practices. Dont be afraid to do things differently (provided of course its not just change for changes sake). Two Think beyond the nuts and bolts of your job and ask yourself how your work truly affects the lives of others. And always focus on the needs of your readers before you write any document. Remember, to gain authority in your organisation, you need people to connect with your writing. So be clear about who will read your document, how important it is to them and how interested they are in it. Use this information to help you shape the content. And make sure you speak directly to the reader by using words such as you, we, us and our. Three Give power to the people by including them in your writing. For example, its more effective to write that one in five people are now happier in their jobs than using the term 20 per cent. And use the active voice as much as possible. For example, youve helped to create over 700 new customers this year is far more effective than Over 700 customers have been created this year with your help. Four Write letters to HR magazines to comment on industry stories. Use the SCRAP formula to help structure your letter. The acronym stands for: situation, complication, resolution, action and politeness. Situation Begin by explaining the current situation or particular issue. For example, you may wish to highlight typical grades of the current graduate intake. Complication Introduce the idea that theres a problem. In this case, the problem could be that personnel managers are wasting time interviewing candidates who dont have the required skills, as grades seem to be a poor indicator of ability in the workplace. Resolution State your resolution to the problem. This could be forging links with universities to conduct undergraduate training in core workplace skills. Action Suggest what action the reader can or should take. You might want the reader to carry out your suggestion locally and report back to you. Politeness Finally, end with a polite, but thought-provoking sign-off. Five Cast your net even wider by contributing full-page articles to HR magazines and other business titles. Always send a synopsis of the article to the magazine first. Write an attention-grabbing headline and standfirst (the two lines under the headline). Then write a snappy opening paragraph and a few sentences about what your article will include. If the editor likes your idea, theyll work with you to decide on the exact content. It doesnt matter if youre a director or working your way up through the ranks, now is the time to start positioning yourself as an expert. Your ideas and recommendations are powerful, so take the time to tell people about them and document them effectively.

Class Inequalities In Leisure Participation Essay

Class Inequalities In Leisure Participation - Essay Example Relate them with the closest leisure activity involved and explain the concept of gender differences between different classes. Supporting references are Ken Roberts.(2004) Cultural trends. Explain how feminist thoughts are influential over this gender differences. Make gender difference evident and in contrast to the participating activities performed. Explain the changes in relative participation rates, tastes and preferences, priorities in indulgence and the very own thought weather to take part in leisure or not. Explain the importance of leisure to different classes irrespective of status of the classes. Explain the challenges faced by the people from lower class. Explain the opportunities that can be availed by various classes of people. Discussion points: Prove how relaxing and spending time in leisure are useful to all classes irrespective of cast, creed and sex. Explain to what extent are the people from poorer backgrounds are breaking out of the myth that they are bound to work only. Make clear-cut announcements, which get deposited in the minds of the people. How free are people to take part in leisure and this purely depends on the attitudes of the people. Introduction- Describe the structure of essay to make the reader understand. You have to focus on time limitations imposed on leisure.

Business Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 8

Business Law - Essay Example The offer letter was also duly signed by Jennings, further confirming his intention to offer the car for sale to Wheeler. The offer letter, sent by any means like post or through personal delivery, was duly received by Wheeler and this fact is confirmed by his subsequent action, viz., to accept the offer and tendering the sale price of $13,500 on 29 September. Thus Jennings’ letter of September 1 to Wheeler is a valid offer on the date of its acceptance by Wheeler. This offer was not withdrawn or amended by Jennings before Wheeler communicated his acceptance. Wheeler responded to the offer letter by accepting it on 29 September and tendering the sale price. The date of acceptance is well within the validity period of the offer viz., October 9. However, it is seen that till September 15, there was no communication from Wheeler to Jennings and this period of silence can be construed as a fair and reasonable period of waiting for Jennings to decide on his next course of action if he thought that Wheeler may not be interested in the offer. However, since no consideration was exchanged between the two parties, Jennings was free to revoke his offer at any time. The options available for Jennings as on September 15 are a) to wait for Wheeler’s response till the expiry of the validity period of the offer or, b) to withdraw his offer (rescind or revoke) and to sell off the item to another person. Waiting for Wheeler’s response till October 9 would have given unilateral freedom of action to Jennings since the validity of the offer expires on that date. In case Jennings was in a position to make the sale by an earlier date, he could do so but he should have first withdrawn his offer to Wheeler on the grounds that a) he received no consideration and that b) he had waited for a reasonable time period viz. up to September 15 to hear Wheeler’s response. His action to dispose off the car without withdrawing the offer made to Wheeler

MANAGING AN EARLY YEARS SETTING Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

MANAGING AN EARLY YEARS SETTING - Assignment Example roles and responsibilities of the early years’ practitioners are identified and discussed in relation to the leadership and management theory (Bullock & Brownhill 2011.p.201-207). The government, educators, teachers, parents, and other education practitioners in the field of early education and care have over the past years been faced with the question of realization of quality formal education in the early years setting. Therefore, in consideration of these necessity factors, this study has been organized in the context of evaluating two early years setting education scenarios in reference to the leadership and management theory. This is through the search for the understanding of the roles and responsibilities that various practitioners play in relation to the same. The two scenarios are the support for a child who has a significant medical condition and the support for a child who has additional educational needs (Jones & Pound 2008). The successful critique and evaluation of the leadership and management concepts in relation to the early years setting involved the conducting of a wide-ranging research from detailing sources such as electronic databases, government legislations, search engines like Google Scholar and ERIC. In the recent past, there has been an increasing concern for embracing leadership in the management of schools and attainment of the set goals and visions for a particular institution. For effective practice in the early years setting of early education and care, it is important for the practitioners to recognise the link that exists between effective management, development of leadership in early education centers and the success of children in such centers (Jones & Pound 2008). By equipping practitioners in early education sector with requisite knowledge and skills that can be used to lead and manage quality practice in the early education years setting will enable them to develop the capacities of children under their care successfully;

Análisis de la Producción Legislativa 1990-2008

Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008 I. Resumen El presente trabajo titulado â€Å"Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008†, tiene el propà ³sito de analizar el desempeà ±o institucional del Congreso, como Poder del Estado, especà ­ficamente a su funcià ³n legislativa, en el perà ­odo comprendido entre el 1 ° de enero de 1990 al 31 de diciembre del 2008. Esta investigacià ³n nace de la inquietud de la relacià ³n entre el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo a raà ­z de la modificacià ³n a nuestra Constitucià ³n en el aà ±o de 1994. Luego de una crisis de legitimidad de unos comicios electorales, se modifica la fecha de las elecciones para elegir al Presidente de la Repà ºblica; nos encontramos con un Poder Legislativo, donde la mitad del perà ­odo iniciarà ­a con un ejecutivo y la otra mitad con otro ejecutivo diferente. Surge la inquietud de evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa y La Efectividad del Poder Legislativo: Entre el Poder Polà ­tico y el Poder Institucional Hablar de la labor del Congreso en tà ©rminos de produccià ³n presenta retos conceptuales significativos pues dicha labor no es reducible a una cuantà ­a objetiva y tangible sobre lo que pueda emitir el criterio comà ºn. Existe una dimensià ³n cuantificable en dicha labor: el Nà ºmero de leyes y Resoluciones emanados de la Asamblea Legislativa en determinado perà ­odo. Intentar dar igual peso a cada unidad de legislacià ³n representarà ­a importantes diferencias cualitativas entre ellas. Peor aà ºn, puede crear una ilusià ³n de eficiencia en perà ­odos en que crece la aprobacià ³n de leyes triviales o de ineficiencia en perà ­odos en que se aprueban tan solo unas pocas pero fundamentales. Es posible analizar la legislacià ³n aprobada cualitativamente, clasificando su relevancia segà ºn la opinià ³n de expertos (Mayhew, 1991). No obstante, es imposible hacerlo sin introducir un alto grado de subjetividad en el anà ¡lisis. La excelencia objetiva de la legislacià ³n aprobada solo puede valorarse con respecto a la legislacià ³n potencial-la agenda polà ­tica en un momento determinado. El estudio analiza y evalà ºa la produccià ³n del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano de gobierno. Aunque las funciones del Parlamento son muy amplias y variadas (representar, debatir, controlar) su actividad legislativa es la que lo ubica como Poder co-gobernante y le otorga una posicià ³n central en el proceso polà ­tico de toma de decisiones. La razà ³n para analizar la produccià ³n legislativa del Congreso consiste precisamente en que el cumplimiento de sus otras funciones ha sido visto, frecuentemente, como un obstà ¡culo para su desempeà ±o como à ³rgano de gobierno. Adicionalmente, su condicià ³n asambleistita y el pluralismo de su integracià ³n, son los factores estructurales que apoyan una visià ³n crà ­tica que ve al Poder Legislativo como una institucià ³n â€Å"ineficiente† que bloquea el proceso de gobierno. En consecuencia, este anà ¡lisis y evaluacià ³n de la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento busca establecer con precisià ³n la cuantà ­a de su contribucià ³n al proceso de gobierno y las caracterà ­sticas con que se desarrolla. Nuestro trabajo se centra, especà ­ficamente en las leyes y reformas a leyes aprobadas por mayorà ­a absoluta y no aborda las otras funciones constitucionales del Congreso. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n presenta los siguientes productos: a) Nà ºmero total de leyes promulgadas por el Poder Ejecutivo; b) Ordenamiento de ese conjunto en base a un â€Å"Indice de Importancia Polà ­tica†, con una metodologà ­a de ponderacià ³n; c) Efectividad del Poder Ejecutivo y del Poder Legislativo en materia de iniciativas legislativas sancionadas en dicho perà ­odo, d) Vetos Institucionales, e) Nà ºmero de Partidos Polà ­ticos. Los resultados de la investigacià ³n en cada uno de estos puntos, se exponen en los respectivos capà ­tulos del informe, respaldado con cuadros y grà ¡ficas. El estudio està ¡ organizado de la siguiente manera: El Primer Capà ­tulo del informe es fundamentalmente un desarrollo conceptual que presenta una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento como institucià ³n. Inicialmente se establecen, de forma general, el conjunto de funciones de los parlamentos en los regà ­menes democrà ¡ticos y se muestra como sus caracterà ­sticas pueden variar en funcià ³n de ciertos aspectos del diseà ±o institucional. En el segundo apartado se da cuenta de las crà ­ticas que han recibido los Congresos tanto desde quienes le exigen eficiencia como desde los que lo acusan de debilidad institucional. Finalmente se desarrolla una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento dominicano, describiendo su ubicacià ³n institucional, composicià ³n, funciones, se describen las normas que regulan el proceso legislativo y algunas puntualizaciones sobre la evolucià ³n del Congreso en las dinà ¡micas de gobierno. El Segundo Capà ­tulo del informe desarrolla una propuesta metodolà ³gica para evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento. Como es natural, el trabajo parte de la consideracià ³n de la cantidad de leyes sancionadas por el Poder Legislativo. El nà ºmero total es 1329 leyes en 18 aà ±os es en sà ­ mismo significativo. De todas formas parece obvio que las normas aprobadas son de muy diversa naturaleza, complejidad e impacto. En consecuencia un anà ¡lisis en profundidad debe necesariamente realizar una discriminacià ³n entre ellas. Es asà ­, que de forma complementaria se propone la utilizacià ³n de un â€Å"à ­ndice de importancia† de las leyes que las clasifica en cuatro categorà ­as en funcià ³n de la utilizacià ³n de cuatro criterios. Los criterios refieren a: i) el origen del proyecto en funcià ³n de resulta de una iniciativa del Poder Ejecutivo o del propio Poder Legislativo; ii) su alcance en tà ©rminos de impacto en la sociedad; iii) la repercusià ³n en la opinià ³n pà ºblica; y iv) la existencia o no de debates en los plenarios de las cà ¡maras. El à ­ndice se construye agregando los cuatro valores para cada ley generando cuatro categorà ­as de importancia: Muy alta, alta, media y baja. El Tercer Capà ­tulo entra de lleno en el anà ¡lisis longitudinal de la produccià ³n legislativa en Repà ºblica Dominicana, 1990-2008. En primer tà ©rmino se muestra la evolucià ³n del nà ºmero de leyes aprobadas durante los 18 aà ±os incluidos en el estudio. En esta primera aproximacià ³n se constatan dos regularidades. a) Es la aparicià ³n de una tendencia creciente con el tiempo en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas. b) Es la presencia de un ciclo dentro de cada legislatura que muestra una tendencia al aumento en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas hacia el final de cada perà ­odo legislativo. En segundo tà ©rmino se observa la legislacià ³n aprobada durante el perà ­odo de anà ¡lisis en funcià ³n de los resultados que surgen de la aplicacià ³n del à ­ndice de importancia de las leyes. Allà ­ se observa que las leyes de baja importancia son la mayorà ­a. Asimismo los diferentes tipos de leyes muestran comportamientos cà ­clicos disà ­miles dentro de cada legislatura. Mientras la aprobacià ³n de leyes de alta importancia se concentra en los primeros aà ±os de cada perà ­odo presidencial. Se sostiene que esta diferencia obedece principalmente a dos factores. A) el Poder Ejecutivo promueve a nivel legislativo buena parte de su agenda de gobierno al inicio de cada administracià ³n. B) en los primeros aà ±os de cada mandato se constituyeron mayorà ­as legislativas que hicieron viables los proyectos propuestos por el gobierno, esa incidencia se manifiesta de forma muy fuerte al inicio de cada administracià ³n y va decayendo con el transcurso de la misma. El cuarto capà ­tulo: Claramente el alto porcentaje de leyes importantes aprobadas por unanimidad en el perà ­odo 1996-200 obedece a la legislacià ³n vinculada al proceso de desarrollo institucional que vivià ³ el paà ­s. En cuanto a la disciplina legislativa de los partidos polà ­ticos, lo primero a destacar es que todos los partidos dominicanos, contrariamente a lo que se cree, muestran niveles de disciplina muy altos. Al considerar las votaciones de las leyes de alta importancia, se observa que en la gran mayorà ­a de ellas, todos los partidos votaron en bloque. El à ºltimo capà ­tulo del informe estudia la interposicià ³n de vetos por parte del Poder Ejecutivo a las leyes aprobadas por el Parlamento. Este comportamiento responderà ¡ de forma evidente a la existencia y permanencia de una coalicià ³n mayoritaria de gobierno o como reaccià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo, en condicià ³n minoritaria, frente a un Parlamento que tiende a mostrarse â€Å"proactivo† y ajeno a sus prioridades en materia polà ­tica, a medida que se aproximan las siguientes elecciones. En una apreciacià ³n inicial, considerà ¡bamos que los congresos eran dà ©biles desde el punto de vista de la produccià ³n legislativa quienes otorgan la legitimidad democrà ¡tica al proceso ordinario de elaboracià ³n de la ley. Es decir, el paso de las leyes por el Congreso, no sà ³lo es obligatorio en todo proceso legislativo, sino que es el elemento legitimador de las mismas ante la sociedad. Durante el desarrollo de la investigacià ³n fue evidente que el Legislativo es un à ³rgano sumamente complejo, que requiere de anà ¡lisis muy detallados sobre las dinà ¡micas que le dan forma. Debemos reconocer que en Amà ©rica Latina el Poder Legislativo es un actor mà ¡s poderoso de lo que generalmente se cree y que —precisamente por ello— es necesario tenerlo en cuenta, pues en muchas ocasiones termina moldeando y acotando el poder que se atribuye a la Presidencia de la Repà ºblica. La propia investigacià ³n deja abiertas varias interrogantes y muestra la necesidad de profundizar en otras funciones del Congreso, que son igualmente relevantes y que en conjunto muestran la efectiva densidad del desempeà ±o y de la legitimidad de las Cà ¡maras como cuerpos primarios del sistema democrà ¡tico: control y fiscalizacià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo y de otros organismos estatales. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n pudiese desarrollar los siguientes productos: a) desempeà ±o de los partidos polà ­ticos, en tà ©rminos de incitativa legislativa y en tà ©rminos de disciplina; b) anà ¡lisis del proceso de tramitacià ³n de las leyes consideradas, disciplina de los conjuntos partidarios, etc. Serà ­a interesante poder evaluar la capacidad de propuesta y de respuesta de las representaciones congresionales, las modificaciones que se introducen a los proyectos en debate y los eventuales rechazos, los tipos de aprobacià ³n y sus alternativas concretas, observando las formas de disciplina, los intercambios y los procesos de negociacià ³n (inter e intra partidarios y sectoriales, entre los legisladores y los agentes ejecutivos) y estudiar los procesos de trabajo en las comisiones, que constituyen nà ºcleos estratà ©gicos de la labor legislativa y laboratorios privilegiados para el anà ¡lisis. Todo lo cual implica una relacià ³n inter-institucional compleja y un proceso dinà ¡mico de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, para la sancià ³n de cada producto legislativo concreto. Sin perjuicio de alguna publicacià ³n, por mà ­ desconocida, que sirva de antecedente, el presente trabajo corresponderà ­a al primer estudio de este tipo que se realiza en el Repà ºblica Dominicana, lo que es un avance importante para el anà ¡lisis de polà ­tica comparada. Confiamos en que el producto inicial de à ©ste informe sea de utilidad para la labor legislativa, los estudios acadà ©micos. Es nuestro interà ©s abrir el debate de la funcià ³n de los poderes legislativos en el entorno presidencialista. Esperamos que de su lectura el lector especializado pueda extraer à ¡ngulos de anà ¡lisis o sugerencias que deberà ¡n contribuir al despliegue de su propia reflexià ³n. II. El Congreso Como Institucià ³n 2.1.Tiempos de Cambios El Congreso ocupa un lugar relevante en la estructura de gobierno de Repà ºblica Dominicana, como lo establece la normativa constitucional, pero tambià ©n a causa de las modalidades del rà ©gimen polà ­tico y de la composicià ³n nutrida del arco de partidos, afirmando una cultura cà ­vica con tradiciones democrà ¡ticas. Es sin duda una institucià ³n estratà ©gica de un sistema que se ha ajustado histà ³ricamente a un formato efectivo de separacià ³n, de independencia y de equilibrio entre los poderes del estado, que resulta a su vez alimentado por la dinà ¡mica polà ­tica, las representaciones de la ciudadanà ­a y la intervencià ³n consistente de los partidos. Varias circunstancias han ayudado a à ©ste perfil. En primer tà ©rmino, existe una tendencia histà ³rica universal de larga data que afecta a todos los sistemas democrà ¡ticos y que redunda en el reforzamiento del papel del Poder Ejecutivo y de las demà ¡s unidades de la administracià ³n en los procesos decisorios. Mà ¡s que à ³rganos de ejecucià ³n tenemos asà ­ un verdadero â€Å"poder gubernamental† -segà ºn la acertada caracterizacià ³n de Maurice Duverger [1](1962)- que se desarrolla como nà ºcleo de produccià ³n polà ­tica, en un sistema cambiante de relaciones institucionales, con nuevos và ­nculos de separacià ³n y articulacià ³n, cooperacià ³n y competencia entre los cuerpos mayores de gobierno, que modifican a su vez las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo y los congresos de ejercicio de las demà ¡s funciones del Congreso. En tà ©rminos mà ¡s generales, las transformaciones corrientes inciden en la configuracià ³n de los factores de poder y de las alternativas de control, en el à ¡mbito de la economà ­a y en el conjunto de la sociedad. Se modifican las formas, las funciones y hasta el alcances de la polà ­tica, el oficio de los partidos y los patrones de legitimacià ³n, en un contexto de creciente complejidad y al tiempo que van cambiando las estructuras del estado y los modos de gobierno, los sistemas de gestià ³n pà ºblica y los requerimientos tà ©cnicos De este conjunto de factores y de las transformaciones concurrentes en la normativa constitucional, surge otro cuadro de condiciones para el ejercicio del Poder Legislativo. Nuevos componentes y problemas en la fabricacià ³n de la polà ­tica y de la legislacià ³n, un atado de relaciones institucionales de balance dificultoso y relativamente asimà ©trico. Habrà ¡ exigencias renovadas en la gestià ³n parlamentaria, particularmente en lo que toca a los procesos de trabajo y a la organizacià ³n, a los flujos de informacià ³n y a la disposicià ³n de saberes, a la capacidad colectiva de sus cuerpos y al desempeà ±o particular de los representantes y las bancadas, a las relaciones con la ciudadanà ­a y la opinià ³n pà ºblica. Estos elementos trazan un escenario de transicià ³n: en el que el Congreso es un actor con responsabilidades primarias en los procesos de cambio y debe tramitar a la vez su propia reconversià ³n polà ­tica e institucional. Siendo de hecho, sujeto y objeto de la reforma polà ­tica y del estado. Un centro que compite por participar con efectividad en los procesos de decisià ³n y un organismo mutante, que ha de ajustarse a las innovaciones en curso, mejorar sus capacidades y la calidad de su produccià ³n, corrigiendo sus dà ©ficits de â€Å"modernizacià ³n† y afrontando constantemente nuevos desafà ­os. 2.2. El Congreso: Funciones y Desafà ­os A travà ©s de distintas à ©pocas histà ³ricas, desde la antigua Grecia, las ciudades-estados, hasta nuestros dà ­as, y con modalidades por cierto muy diversas, la existencia de una asamblea deliberante y representativa, que albergue las expresiones del pluralismo y sea una instancia de participacià ³n, constituye una pieza fundamental en la configuracià ³n de un Rà ©gimen Polà ­tico Legà ­timo. En los sistemas democrà ¡ticos modernos, los Congresos son precisamente asambleas de naturaleza colectiva, composicià ³n plural y carà ¡cter permanente (Cotta, 1988), cuya centralidad deriva de las competencias que en esa condicià ³n tiene asignadas, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno: representacià ³n polà ­tica y debate, cuerpo de control e instancia de decisià ³n, titular primario de la funcià ³n legislativa y responsable de otras funciones pà ºblicas (constituyentes, jurisdiccionales, de administracià ³n, actos habilitantes o de autorizacià ³n). La fortaleza y la debilidad de los partidos y del sistema de partidos, su consistencia y su grado de institucionalizacià ³n, influyen obviamente en el peso polà ­tico y la capacidad de accià ³n del Congreso. Por otra parte, el balance entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo, el ascendiente del Jefe de Gobierno, las formas de articular su liderazgo y de ejercer la conduccià ³n polà ­tica, asà ­ como sus potestades para determinar la agenda parlamentaria, que dependen de las recursos institucionales de que à ©ste dispone por derecho, pueden igualmente variar en funcià ³n de los poderes de fuente partidaria y asimismo, con la formacià ³n de coaliciones polà ­ticas. La forma de las coaliciones y en particular, los và ­nculos de cooperacià ³n y de competencia entre los partidos asociados, asà ­ como las relaciones con otros partidos y con las escuadras de oposicià ³n, dibujan el margen de discrecionalidad polà ­tica del Presidente, modelan los trà ¡mites concretos de formacià ³n de mayorà ­as y determinan (o â€Å"sobre-determinan†) las modalidades de construccià ³n de la agenda congresional y los procesos legislativos. Segà ºn ello, las Cà ¡maras y los sectores partidarios representados los que està ¡n en la oposicià ³n y los que revistan en la coalicià ³n que apoya al gobierno- pueden tener frente a à ©ste, alternativas diversas de autonomà ­a y de disciplina, con diferentes posibilidades de iniciativa y de respuesta. No obstante, en casi todas las democracias modernas, las grandes decisiones pasan necesariamente por el Parlamento, mediante actos de habilitacià ³n o autorizacià ³n y afirmando las prà ¡cticas del â€Å"gobierno por legislacià ³n† (Sartori, 1994). El Parlamento se ubica en una posicià ³n estratà ©gica, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno, en articulacià ³n con los otros poderes y con la red compleja de entidades que componen la estructura pà ºblica. Por su naturaleza y su calidad intrà ­nseca es depositario mayor de la soberanà ­a y tiene a su cargo el cumplimiento de cometidos que resultan esenciales para el desenvolvimiento del rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, en tà ©rminos de legitimidad y de equilibrio institucional, de garantà ­as ciudadanas y de calidad de los procesos de decisià ³n polà ­tica. 2.3. Las Crà ­ticas al Congreso. Los eventos de la à ©poca han afectado la imagen pà ºblica del Parlamento y lo enfrentan a crà ­ticas y autocrà ­ticas, que apuntan doblemente a su là ³gica de funcionamiento y a su debilidad institucional, con razonamientos que hacen pie en la realidad parlamentaria y tienen causa cierta, pero no dejan de ser a la vez paradà ³jicos y con puntos discutibles. Ante las crà ­ticas recordadas cabe reafirmar que el cumplimiento estricto y adecuado de las responsabilidades Constitucionales del Parlamento es un componente fundamental de la calidad de la democracia y de la legitimidad del Sistema Polà ­tico. Esta premisa vale para el conjunto de las competencias del Parlamento, tanto para la funcià ³n legislativa, como para las funciones de representacià ³n y de control, en su calidad de instancia deliberativa y de à ³rgano de gobierno. En lo que toca especà ­ficamente al Proceso de Produccià ³n Legislativa hay que tener en cuenta el equilibrio complejo y de hecho la tensià ³n, entre los distintos â€Å"factores† y â€Å"valores† que intervienen: las necesidades del gobierno y los requerimientos de la participacià ³n parlamentaria, la calidad de la ley junto con la celeridad y la eficiencia en su tramitacià ³n, los intereses de la jefatura ejecutiva y las alternativas de respuesta que surgen en el recinto legislativo, el propà ³sito de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, las disidencias en los bloques oficialistas y el derecho de oposicià ³n. La relacià ³n existente entre los Poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo, debe ser analizada como una relacià ³n de equilibrio, de coordinacià ³n y de competencia. Este dispositivo regular, se presenta de manera caracterà ­stica en el tipo de gobierno presidencial, que ha sido definido como â€Å"un sistema de instituciones separadas que comparten el poder† (Neustadt, 1960). Tenemos asà ­ un esquema de separacià ³n, con dos instituciones legitimadas por una eleccià ³n directa, que por naturaleza y por diseà ±o, comparten el poder y compiten por à ©l en rigor, son orgà ¡nicamente â€Å"alentadas a competir† (Charles Jones, 1994), a fin de hacer valer su propia representacià ³n y para concretar su participacià ³n en los procesos de gobierno (Sartori, 1994 y Mark Jones, 1995). En tà ©rminos generales, en estos principios deberà ­a basarse el anà ¡lisis adecuado de las funciones del Parlamento, asà ­ como los debates tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos sobre su performance, tanto en una perspectiva histà ³rica, como en lo que toca a las alternativas del tiempo actual. Y es con tales fundamentos en una reivindicacià ³n explà ­cita de los postulados indicados que entendemos necesario encarar este estudio sobre la Produccià ³n Legislativa, dentro de las coordenadas especà ­ficas del sistema dominicano. 2.4. El Proceso Legislativo Dominicano Las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo en Repà ºblica Dominicana son conocidas y resultan familiares para los agentes polà ­ticos y en particular para los parlamentarios. Sin detenernos pues en los detalles de su descripcià ³n, creemos no obstante conveniente repasar algunos de los rasgos principales que encuadran dicho proceso desde el punto de vista polà ­tico institucional. En este sentido, debemos subrayar que se trata de un proceso regulado minuciosamente por la propia Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica en forma mà ¡s detallada que en otros à ³rdenes jurà ­dicos. Historia: El Poder Legislativo dominicano tiene su origen en el informe de la comisià ³n encargada de redactar la Constitucià ³n de 1844 que debà ­a ser sometido para su discusià ³n al Soberano Congreso Constituyente. La primera Constitucià ³n Dominicana del 6 de Noviembre de 1844 consagrà ³ un Congreso Nacional compuesto por 2 Cà ¡maras: El Tribunado y el Consejo Conservador. El trabajo de esos cuerpos legislativos en ese primer aà ±o fue intenso y lleno de dificultades, pues en el paà ­s todo estaba por reglamentarse. Entre las disposiciones tomadas, pueden citarse; la Ley de Instruccià ³n Pà ºblica, la Ley de Patentes de Navegacià ³n, la Ley del Rà ©gimen de Aduanas, la Ley de Administracià ³n Provincial, la Ley de Subdivisià ³n Polà ­tica de las Provincias, la Ley de Atribuciones y Responsabilidades de los Secretarios de Estado, la Ley que adaptà ³ los Cà ³digos Franceses y la Reforma a los Bienes Nacionales; entre otras. Funcià ³n: El Artà ­culo 16 de la Constitucià ³n Dominicana le asigna una definicià ³n especà ­fica de â€Å"Congreso de la Repà ºblica†, institucià ³n polà ­tica colegiada, de carà ¡cter pluralista y electivo, que funciona normalmente dentro del contexto de las democracias liberales, cuyas atribuciones principales son hacer las leyes, examinar todos los actos del Poder Ejecutivo y ejercer control sobre el gobierno y la administracià ³n en general. El Congreso ejerce el poder constituyente derivado. Esta conformacià ³n de las asambleas parlamentarias supone el establecimiento de un cuerpo estable y especializado, que inviste la representacià ³n de la ciudadanà ­a y de los partidos en un à ¡mbito de pluralidad, como: o Cuerpo Deliberante: Realizan deliberaciones e intercambio de posiciones y luego son discutidos pà ºblicamente por una asamblea constituida en autoridad pà ºblica. o Cuerpo Representativo: Permiten canalizar demandas emergentes (en tà ©rminos de agregacià ³n y regulacià ³n, de compromiso y de autoridad, articulando los intereses particulares con las producciones de interà ©s general). o Es un Órgano Polà ­tico Colegiado: Compuesto por un grupo de personas elegidas democrà ¡ticamente mediante sufragio popular para representar a los ciudadanos. o Es una Asamblea de Carà ¡cter Permanente: El Congreso origina decisiones continuamente, asegurando la gobernabilidad. o Expresià ³n de Pluralismo Polà ­tico: Es la à ºnica institucià ³n que consiente la presencia conjunta y continua de todos los sujetos polà ­ticos y no excluye ningà ºn sector social; llevà ¡ndole en fin a recoger opinià ³n, formarla y participar en las opciones de gobierno, fundamentalmente mediante la construccià ³n del orden jurà ­dico y del imperio de la ley, dentro de un estatuto constitucional que ofrece garantà ­as de divisià ³n de poderes, de control y de equilibrio polà ­tico. De acuerdo con el mandato Constitucional y las normas reglamentarias de la institucià ³n, las funciones Congresionales son tres: Legislar, Fiscalizar y Representar. o La actividad de Legislar o de hacer leyes es considerada la funcià ³n bà ¡sica de un Congreso, ya que los Senadores y Diputados tienen la indelegable misià ³n de transformar en textos claros, precisos y coherentes todo aquello que se pretende instituir como norma para regir conductas o relaciones individuales o colectivas. o El mandato y el mecanismo de Fiscalizacià ³n se refiere a la inspeccià ³n, fiscalizacià ³n, revisià ³n e interpelacià ³n sobre la actividad que realizan el Poder Ejecutivo y sus dependencias; es decir, Secretarà ­as de Estado y Direcciones Generales, asà ­ como sobre cualquier otro funcionario electo. Esta trabajo de control ejerce una funcià ³n de contrapeso frente a las actuaciones del gobierno central, o El concepto de Representacià ³n es moderno. En polà ­tica, implica actuar en interà ©s de los representados, de una manera sensible ante ellos. El compromiso de representacià ³n es doble, ya que los legisladores representan a la nacià ³n y a la provincia o circunscripcià ³n que los ha elegido. Congreso Bicameral: A travà ©s de la separacià ³n de poderes -que sigue siendo un principio vigente en las constituciones polà ­ticas modernas y en la nuestra- el Parlamento es a su manera un à ³rgano de gobierno (co-gobernante), mediante un desempeà ±o adecuado de sus dos cà ¡maras, donde ambas Cà ¡maras participan en pie de igualdad. La produccià ³n legislativa por lo que podemos decir que es un proceso fuertemente reglamentado y complejo, que presenta alternativas complicadas y diversas, desde el punto de vista del desempeà ±o institucional y la negociacià ³n polà ­tica, como pieza estratà ©gica de las acciones de gobierno. La constitucià ³n bicameral del Poder Legislativo ha sido histà ³ricamente concebida como un mecanismo que limita las posibilidades de dominio simple de una mayorà ­a parlamentaria (una eventual â€Å"tiranà ­a†, segà ºn los constitucionalistas clà ¡sicos, temerosos de la concentracià ³n de la autoridad pà ºblica) y es en sà ­ misma una garantà ­a suplementaria de la separacià ³n de poderes, actuando como un factor mà ¡s de equilibrio, al interior del organismo legislativo, en el conjunto de las instituciones pà ºblicas y en relacià ³n a la ciudadanà ­a. Es este un ingrediente bà ¡sico de la civilizacià ³n democrà ¡tica, que permite una mayor amplitud en la representacià ³n polà ­tica, favorece el pluralismo y brinda la oportunidad de un mejor procesamiento (polà ­tico y tà ©cnico) de los productos legislativos, en un mà ©rito que se extiende a otras competencias parlamentarias[2]. La estructura bicameral conlleva a que los proyectos de ley deban pasar necesariamente por el examen de ambas Cà ¡maras (â€Å"doble escrutinio†) y sà ³lo resulten aprobados si se llega a una voluntad coincidente de los dos cuerpos, con sus mayorà ­as respectivas. Si median diferencias, el proyecto es objeto de una segunda revisià ³n. Los sistemas bicamerales hacen que el proceso de la formacià ³n de la ley sea mà ¡s responsable y cuidadoso, evitando la aprobacià ³n precipitada de los proyectos y, ademà ¡s, resulta mà ¡s acorde con el rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, por cuanto garantiza mejor una autà ©ntica representacià ³n tanto polà ­tica como regional y social. Conformacià ³n y Eleccià ³n: Nuestro Poder Legislativo està ¡ conformado por un Senado, compuesto por 32 miembros, uno por el Distrito Nacional y un representante de cada Provincia y. una Cà ¡mara de Diputados. El Senado està ¡ La Cà ¡mara de Diputados està ¡ compuesto por 178 miembros, a razà ³n de uno por cada cincuenta mil habitantes o fraccià ³n de mà ¡s de veinticinco mil. Por cada provincia debe haber por lo menos dos (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art. 24). Ambos representan al pueblo, a travà ©s de distintos partidos polà ­ticos, son elegidos por representacià ³n proporcional desde las listas partidarias y de forma nominal, por votacià ³n directa secreta y universal, en todo el paà ­s, para un perà ­odo de cuatro aà ±os (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art 21, Art. 24) Las elecciones nacionales para elegir diputados se harà ¡n mediante circunscripciones electorales con el objeto de garantizar que los ciudadanos que resulten electos en las elecciones generales, sean una verdadera representacià ³n del sector de los habitantes que los eligen.[3] La Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica no delega en los partidos polà ­ticos la representacià ³n del pueblo, mà ¡s bien los contempla como instrumentos para realizar el procedimiento electivo mediante el cual los ciudadanos eligen cada cuatro aà ±os a sus representantes. Quorum: En cada Cà ¡mara se requiere la presencia de mà ¡s de la mitad de sus miembros, como quà ³rum mà ­nimo para la validez de las deliberaciones. Las decisiones se toman por mayorà ­a absoluta de votos (Art. 30). La legislatura ordinaria dura noventa dà ­as, pero puede prorrogarse por sesenta dà ­as mà ¡s (Art. 33). Proceso Legislativo: En una investigacià ³n sobre la participacià ³n de los parlamentos en la produccià ³n polà ­tica, Olson y Mezey (1991) afirman que el proceso legislativo està ¡ determinado por tres conjuntos de factores: a) las influencias externas sobre la legislatura; b) la capacidad de actuacià ³n de los legisladores; y c) el contenido de las polà ­ticas que se procesan. Las influencias externas està ¡n determinadas por el dispositivo constitucional, la estructura estatal, la normativa electoral, el sistema de partidos, los intereses de los grupos de la sociedad y la agenda pà ºblica de gobierno. El alcance de actuacià ³n de los legisladores està ¡ determinado por el formato organizacional del Parlamento, las reglas de funcionamiento de las cà ¡maras y de las comisiones, las estructuras de los partidos, asà ­ como la operativa especà ­fica de las bancadas y finalmente, las caracterà ­sticas personales de los integrantes del cuerpo. El contenido de las polà ­ticas depende de la naturaleza de los proyectos que se presentan en el Parlamento y del tipo de actores e intereses a que tales proyectos afectan. Para alcanzar pues un resultado unificado, que manifieste la voluntad formal del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano mayor del estado, es necesario recorrer un itinerario complejo, de instancias eslabonadas, que respeta la composicià ³n bicameral del Parlamento, asà ­ como la calidad representativa de los cuerpos que lo componen y de sus integrantes, respondiendo a los requerimientos tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos de la gramà ¡tica legislativa. Este proceso està ¡ integrado por cuatro fases: a) la proposicià ³n del proyecto de ley, b) el trà ¡mite del proyecto, c) la aprobacià ³n de la ley, y d) la promulgacià ³n de la ley. En sentido general, Todo proyecto de ley puede iniciarse en cualquiera de las dos Cà ¡maras y pasan usualmente a las comisiones parlamentarias respectivas, sean à ©stas especiales o permanentes, actuando mà ¡s de una vez en forma integrada. Las comisiones son organismos fundamentales del sistema parlamentario y obran con un potencial de buena polà ­tica legislativa, agregando a esta tarea, una mayor densidad, garantà ­as y posibilidades de calidad[4]. Cuando el trabajo en la comisià ³n ha concluido, el proyecto es presentado en el plenario de la Cà ¡mara correspondiente para su discusià ³n y aprobacià ³n. Luego de admitido en una de las Cà ¡maras debe ser sometido a dos discusiones distintas, con un intervalo de un dà ­a por lo menos entre una y otra discusià ³n (Art. 39), de acuerdo al procedimiento para la aprobacià ³n de leyes. Sà ­, en el caso de que el proyecto fuese declarado de emergencia debe ser discutido en dos sesiones consecutivas (Art. 39). Cada Cà ¡mara es independientemente en sus funciones de acuerdo al criterio mayoritario de sus miembros. Cualquier proyecto de ley recibido en una Cà ¡mara, despuà ©s de haber sido aprobado en la otra, serà ¡ fijado en el orden del dà ­a; pero el mismo puede ser aprobado, modificado o rechazado por esta (Art. 40). Sancià ³n: El procedimiento de sancià ³n legislativa se inicia con el debate en Sala, a partir de la intervencià ³n de los voceros de las comisiones actuantes. Luego, los legisladores discuten el proyecto en general y luego en particular, artà ­culo por artà ­culo, mediante un procedimiento ordenado por el Reglamento de Funcionamiento de cada Cà ¡mara. Todo proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cà ¡mara de origen pasarà ¡ a la otra Cà ¡mara para su consideracià ³n, desarrollà ¡ndose un procedimiento de ida y

Crushed Dreams in The Glass Menagerie Essay -- Glass Menagerie essays

Crushed Dreams in The Glass Menagerie      Ã‚  Ã‚   Tennessee Williams is known for his use of symbols, tension, and irony. Williams uses all of these components to express the central theme of The Glass Menagerie - hope followed by despair. Each of the characters has dreams that are destroyed by the harsh realities of the world.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As the narrator blatantly admits, 'since I have a poet's weakness for symbols', symbols are central to The Glass Menagerie (Williams 30). Symbols are merely concrete substitutions used to express a particular theme, idea, or character. One major symbol is the fire escape which has a separate function for each of the characters. This fire escape provides a means of escape for Tom from his cramped apartment and nagging mother. Therefore, the fire escape for him represents a path to the outside world. For the gentleman caller, the fire escape provides the means through which Jim can enter the Wingfield apartment, thus entering their lives. For Amanda, the fire escape allows Jim to come into the apartment and prevent Laura from becoming a spinster. The significance of the fire escape for Laura is that it is her door to the inside world in which she can hide. It is ironic that when Laura does leave the security of her apartment, she falls. This symbolises Laura's inability to function properly in the outside world.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Another recurring symbol is the glass menagerie which represents Laura's hypersensitive nature and fragility. Laura is just as easily broken as a glass unicorn - and just as unique. When Jim accidentally bumps into the unicorn and breaks it, the unicorn is no longer unique. Likewise, when Jim kisses Laura and then shatters her hopes by telling her he's eng... ...ructure of the entire play -   an ironic pattern of romantic expectations, momentary fulfilment, and ultimate loss' (Thompson 13).    Works Cited and Consulted Bloom, Harold. Introduction. Tennessee Williams. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1987. 1-8. King, Thomas L. "Irony and Distance in The Glass Menagerie." In Tennessee Williams. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1987. 85-94. Levy, Eric P. "'Through Soundproof Glass': The Prison of Self Consciousness in The Glass Menagerie." Modern Drama, 36. December 1993. 529-537. Thompson, Judith J. Tennessee Williams' Plays: Memory, Myth, and Symbol. New York: Peter Lang, 1989. Williams, Tennessee. The Glass Menagerie. In Literature: An Introduction to Reading and Writing, 4th ed. Ed. Edgar V. Roberts and Henry E. Jacobs. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995. 1519-1568.    Crushed Dreams in The Glass Menagerie Essay -- Glass Menagerie essays Crushed Dreams in The Glass Menagerie      Ã‚  Ã‚   Tennessee Williams is known for his use of symbols, tension, and irony. Williams uses all of these components to express the central theme of The Glass Menagerie - hope followed by despair. Each of the characters has dreams that are destroyed by the harsh realities of the world.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As the narrator blatantly admits, 'since I have a poet's weakness for symbols', symbols are central to The Glass Menagerie (Williams 30). Symbols are merely concrete substitutions used to express a particular theme, idea, or character. One major symbol is the fire escape which has a separate function for each of the characters. This fire escape provides a means of escape for Tom from his cramped apartment and nagging mother. Therefore, the fire escape for him represents a path to the outside world. For the gentleman caller, the fire escape provides the means through which Jim can enter the Wingfield apartment, thus entering their lives. For Amanda, the fire escape allows Jim to come into the apartment and prevent Laura from becoming a spinster. The significance of the fire escape for Laura is that it is her door to the inside world in which she can hide. It is ironic that when Laura does leave the security of her apartment, she falls. This symbolises Laura's inability to function properly in the outside world.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Another recurring symbol is the glass menagerie which represents Laura's hypersensitive nature and fragility. Laura is just as easily broken as a glass unicorn - and just as unique. When Jim accidentally bumps into the unicorn and breaks it, the unicorn is no longer unique. Likewise, when Jim kisses Laura and then shatters her hopes by telling her he's eng... ...ructure of the entire play -   an ironic pattern of romantic expectations, momentary fulfilment, and ultimate loss' (Thompson 13).    Works Cited and Consulted Bloom, Harold. Introduction. Tennessee Williams. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1987. 1-8. King, Thomas L. "Irony and Distance in The Glass Menagerie." In Tennessee Williams. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1987. 85-94. Levy, Eric P. "'Through Soundproof Glass': The Prison of Self Consciousness in The Glass Menagerie." Modern Drama, 36. December 1993. 529-537. Thompson, Judith J. Tennessee Williams' Plays: Memory, Myth, and Symbol. New York: Peter Lang, 1989. Williams, Tennessee. The Glass Menagerie. In Literature: An Introduction to Reading and Writing, 4th ed. Ed. Edgar V. Roberts and Henry E. Jacobs. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995. 1519-1568.   

Marriage and the Chinese Revolution

Before the 1949 revolution, Chinese women were regarded as lower in social rank than men, notwithstanding the general disempowerment of women due to the lower social class that they belonged to. Women were considered chattels, especially by the noble classes, in which families arranged marriages for their daughters in order to secure favors from government officials, warlords and even from the imperial household. Moreover, men could have as many wives as they wanted, notwithstanding the utter lack of power of women to secure a divorce from their husbands, in the event that they were abused and badly treated. Mao Zedong said this about the Marriage Law, â€Å"The Marriage Law affects all people's interests and is one of the basic laws of China, next only to the constitution†¦It is the legal means through which to carry out reform of the marriage and family system in China, the weapon with which to fight the feudal family system, and the tool necessary to establish and develop a new marriage and family system.† For all the faults of Mao’s China, the marriage law which the communists implemented liberated the women from the bondage of a patriarchal society which dictated the terms of their existence, including their choice of a life partner. By decreeing the dismantling of a feudal system of relations between men and women, women were now able to truly choose to marry only those that they truly love. While such a state policy exists, it took more than the marriage law to truly ensure that the social inequality in a Chinese marriage was implemented politically and culturally, to ensure that women indeed held half the sky. On the other hand, such liberation of Chinese women in marriage then did not amount to utter sexual promiscuity as in Western countries, except at present, where changing partners and spouses seem to be as fast as changing mobile phones and cars in Chinese contemporary society. As divorce is China is as easy as selling the newest Ipod, it is now steadily undermining once more the value of marriage and the commitment that is intertwined in its concept. If the women were treated as chattels in feudal China that no mutual consent in marriage ever really existed, the present increasing number of divorces seems to manifest that with the increase in personal income and spending of the Chinese is rendering as a commodity the institution of marriage. These things, treating women as chattel and the commodification of marriage, are both social evils which destroy the basic sanctity of marriage, in view of the family as the basic institution in any society. As the Chinese economy grows by leaps and bounds, it has also led to the creation and reproduction of a new inequality in the institution of marriage, where mutual love and commitment are not at the center of the institution but property relations to outpace all other families in a cutthroat competition for financial security and success. It is no different from feudal China where families arranged marriages for their daughters because it destroys the long-held idea, even by Mao Tsetung, that marriage should only be based on mutual respect and love by partners with a deep perspective on their relationship and a long-term goal for the development of both partners’ lives in all aspects – physical, economic, social, and even spiritual. Is divorce China's new fad? By Leon D'souza ZIBO, People's Republic of China– That China's revolutionary leader, Mao Zedong, was an incessant womanizer is no secret. For 22 years, beginning in 1954, Dr. Li Zhisui, his personal physician, chronicled the former dictator's dark private world. In his critically acclaimed book, â€Å"The Private Life of Chairman Mao,† Dr. Zhisui writes candidly about the erstwhile chairman's voracious appetite for carnal pleasure. Mao was constantly hosting dances and card-playing parties to find new young women to indulge his fantasies. He was â€Å"married† at least four times and had ten children with whom he had rather distant relationships. However, for all his shortcomings, Mao was a firm believer in the power of womanhood. He was fond of quoting an old Chinese proverb, â€Å"women hold up half the heavens,† and in his â€Å"Little Red Book,† which attained Biblical importance during the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s, he spoke audaciously of the need for equality of the sexes. â€Å"In order to build a great socialist society, it is of the utmost importance to arouse the broad masses of women to join in productive activity. Men and women must receive equal pay for equal work in production,† Mao declared. The former chairman began a transformation of the submissive role that Chinese women were historically relegated to over centuries of dynastic rule. One of his earliest reforms involved sweeping changes to China's harsh marriage norms. Before the advent of Communist Power, marriage was somewhat of an unholy institution in China, a form of socially sanctioned bondage. Chinese director Zhang Yimou's brilliant film, â€Å"Raise the Red Lantern,† tells of the sordid state of affairs in imperial times. Arranged and mercenary marriages were considered normal practice then. A wealthy man could have as many wives as he pleased. Widows were not allowed to remarry and no woman could ever ask for a divorce. Mao changed all that. His first â€Å"Marriage Law† abolished the system of arranged or forced marriage and extended equal protection to women and children. The new legislation forbade bigamy, child marriage and public interference in the freedom for widows to remarry. Mao took personal interest in the implementation of the measure. â€Å"The Marriage Law affects all people's interests and is one of the basic laws of China, next only to the constitution,† he emphasized. â€Å"It is the legal means through which to carry out reform of the marriage and family system in China, the weapon with which to fight the feudal family system, and the tool necessary to establish and develop a new marriage and family system.† Noble goals notwithstanding, Mao's reforms weren't greeted well in a country steeped in a long tradition of patriarchy. Some derided the edict as a formula for societal instability that was sure to trigger an epidemic of divorces. â€Å"It is a law for divorce,† these naysayers argued. In some ways, they were right. Divorce is fast becoming something of an emerging trend in modern China, where successive marriage laws have empowered women who now initiate more than 70 percent of break ups. In fact, so pervasive is this trend that in a story some years ago, The New York Times Seth Faison pointed out that it was even beginning to affect the way ordinary Chinese greet each other in the street. â€Å"For years,† Faison wrote, â€Å"people have greeted each other with a question that reflected the nation's primary concern: â€Å"Chi le ma?† or â€Å"Have you eaten?† Now according to a popular joke in Beijing, people who see a friend on the street voice a new concern: â€Å"Li le ma?† â€Å"Have you divorced?† But unlike other countries, where divorce is seen as a social problem, the Chinese seem to view this trend as a sign of the changing tide for women in a country where they were once mere objects of desire. As the Beijing Youth Daily explained in a story a while back: â€Å"The high rate of divorce reflects a kind of ‘master of my own fate' notion among urban residents. From an overall perspective, it represents a kind of social advancement.† Financial independence resulting from a surge of women in the workforce seems to be driving the divorce rate. Chinese women now actually do hold up half the sky. They account for more than 46 percent of the total working population according to statistics. Women experts and entrepreneurs have come to the forefront in large numbers, playing key roles in hi-tech industries as well as large and medium state-owned enterprises. This has helped level the balance. â€Å"In the past, women were very dependent on men for survival. They were not allowed to work. Today in China, women earn their own money. They are becoming more and more independent, and so they need not remain married to men that aren't loyal to them,† said Huang Yan Ling, an English teacher at the Zibo Foreign Language School. Huang was raised in Zibo, the rural northeastern city in Shandong Province where she now teaches middle school. As a mother herself, and someone who grew up away from the relatively liberal atmosphere of the rapidly westernizing cities along China's eastern coast, she isn't a loud supporter of the spate of divorces. â€Å"I think it is very bad for the children,† she emphasized, when asked why she balked at the trend. Nevertheless, she is delighted that increasing numbers of Chinese women are standing up for themselves, and places the blame for failed marriages squarely on the infidelity of the men involved. â€Å"When most men approach middle age, they have a lot of money. When they have money, they look for younger girls because they just want to have fun. They don't really love their wives,† she suggested matter-of-factly. â€Å"So it is good for some women to file for divorce.† Nevertheless, there is room for tightening up the law to facilitate separations while preventing the situation from spiraling out of hand. One of the ways Huang points to is increasing the amount of alimony payable as child support. â€Å"In China, if a couple files for divorce, the woman usually gets custody of the child. This places her in a difficult position. The man can get away with making payments as low as 300 Reminbi Yuan (approximately $38) per month,† she explained. â€Å"I think this is not right. Men should be made to pay more. That way, maybe they will think twice about cheating on their wives.† At the end of the day, whether bane or boon, China's climbing divorce rate is an indicator of significant social change. Mao's China has opened up for women doors they could never previously have hoped to unlock. Today, women wear the pants in many families here. And although you won't get their husbands to admit it, most married men live in peril of their wives ire. Take Yu Ke Hong for example, one of my colleagues at the Zibo Foreign Language School. A month ago, my brother-in-law, Brian, and I, tried to coax him into buying a dog for his family while we were out pet shopping at the weekend â€Å"dog market.† Yu laughed when we presented the suggestion, then added candidly that his wife would â€Å"throw him out of the house† if he showed up on his doorstep with the cute Chinese Shar-Pie we had picked out for him since she didn't care much for dogs. Enough said. You know who calls the shots in his household. Leon D'souza is a frequent contributor to the Hard News Cafe Marriage and the Chinese Revolution Before the 1949 revolution, Chinese women were regarded as lower in social rank than men, notwithstanding the general disempowerment of women due to the lower social class that they belonged to. Women were considered chattels, especially by the noble classes, in which families arranged marriages for their daughters in order to secure favors from government officials, warlords and even from the imperial household. Moreover, men could have as many wives as they wanted, notwithstanding the utter lack of power of women to secure a divorce from their husbands, in the event that they were abused and badly treated. Mao Zedong said this about the Marriage Law, â€Å"The Marriage Law affects all people's interests and is one of the basic laws of China, next only to the constitution†¦It is the legal means through which to carry out reform of the marriage and family system in China, the weapon with which to fight the feudal family system, and the tool necessary to establish and develop a new marriage and family system.† For all the faults of Mao’s China, the marriage law which the communists implemented liberated the women from the bondage of a patriarchal society which dictated the terms of their existence, including their choice of a life partner. By decreeing the dismantling of a feudal system of relations between men and women, women were now able to truly choose to marry only those that they truly love. While such a state policy exists, it took more than the marriage law to truly ensure that the social inequality in a Chinese marriage was implemented politically and culturally, to ensure that women indeed held half the sky. On the other hand, such liberation of Chinese women in marriage then did not amount to utter sexual promiscuity as in Western countries, except at present, where changing partners and spouses seem to be as fast as changing mobile phones and cars in Chinese contemporary society. As divorce is China is as easy as selling the newest Ipod, it is now steadily undermining once more the value of marriage and the commitment that is intertwined in its concept. If the women were treated as chattels in feudal China that no mutual consent in marriage ever really existed, the present increasing number of divorces seems to manifest that with the increase in personal income and spending of the Chinese is rendering as a commodity the institution of marriage. These things, treating women as chattel and the commodification of marriage, are both social evils which destroy the basic sanctity of marriage, in view of the family as the basic institution in any society. As the Chinese economy grows by leaps and bounds, it has also led to the creation and reproduction of a new inequality in the institution of marriage, where mutual love and commitment are not at the center of the institution but property relations to outpace all other families in a cutthroat competition for financial security and success. It is no different from feudal China where families arranged marriages for their daughters because it destroys the long-held idea, even by Mao Tsetung, that marriage should only be based on mutual respect and love by partners with a deep perspective on their relationship and a long-term goal for the development of both partners’ lives in all aspects – physical, economic, social, and even spiritual. Is divorce China's new fad? By Leon D'souza ZIBO, People's Republic of China– That China's revolutionary leader, Mao Zedong, was an incessant womanizer is no secret. For 22 years, beginning in 1954, Dr. Li Zhisui, his personal physician, chronicled the former dictator's dark private world. In his critically acclaimed book, â€Å"The Private Life of Chairman Mao,† Dr. Zhisui writes candidly about the erstwhile chairman's voracious appetite for carnal pleasure. Mao was constantly hosting dances and card-playing parties to find new young women to indulge his fantasies. He was â€Å"married† at least four times and had ten children with whom he had rather distant relationships. However, for all his shortcomings, Mao was a firm believer in the power of womanhood. He was fond of quoting an old Chinese proverb, â€Å"women hold up half the heavens,† and in his â€Å"Little Red Book,† which attained Biblical importance during the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s, he spoke audaciously of the need for equality of the sexes. â€Å"In order to build a great socialist society, it is of the utmost importance to arouse the broad masses of women to join in productive activity. Men and women must receive equal pay for equal work in production,† Mao declared. The former chairman began a transformation of the submissive role that Chinese women were historically relegated to over centuries of dynastic rule. One of his earliest reforms involved sweeping changes to China's harsh marriage norms. Before the advent of Communist Power, marriage was somewhat of an unholy institution in China, a form of socially sanctioned bondage. Chinese director Zhang Yimou's brilliant film, â€Å"Raise the Red Lantern,† tells of the sordid state of affairs in imperial times. Arranged and mercenary marriages were considered normal practice then. A wealthy man could have as many wives as he pleased. Widows were not allowed to remarry and no woman could ever ask for a divorce. Mao changed all that. His first â€Å"Marriage Law† abolished the system of arranged or forced marriage and extended equal protection to women and children. The new legislation forbade bigamy, child marriage and public interference in the freedom for widows to remarry. Mao took personal interest in the implementation of the measure. â€Å"The Marriage Law affects all people's interests and is one of the basic laws of China, next only to the constitution,† he emphasized. â€Å"It is the legal means through which to carry out reform of the marriage and family system in China, the weapon with which to fight the feudal family system, and the tool necessary to establish and develop a new marriage and family system.† Noble goals notwithstanding, Mao's reforms weren't greeted well in a country steeped in a long tradition of patriarchy. Some derided the edict as a formula for societal instability that was sure to trigger an epidemic of divorces. â€Å"It is a law for divorce,† these naysayers argued. In some ways, they were right. Divorce is fast becoming something of an emerging trend in modern China, where successive marriage laws have empowered women who now initiate more than 70 percent of break ups. In fact, so pervasive is this trend that in a story some years ago, The New York Times Seth Faison pointed out that it was even beginning to affect the way ordinary Chinese greet each other in the street. â€Å"For years,† Faison wrote, â€Å"people have greeted each other with a question that reflected the nation's primary concern: â€Å"Chi le ma?† or â€Å"Have you eaten?† Now according to a popular joke in Beijing, people who see a friend on the street voice a new concern: â€Å"Li le ma?† â€Å"Have you divorced?† But unlike other countries, where divorce is seen as a social problem, the Chinese seem to view this trend as a sign of the changing tide for women in a country where they were once mere objects of desire. As the Beijing Youth Daily explained in a story a while back: â€Å"The high rate of divorce reflects a kind of ‘master of my own fate' notion among urban residents. From an overall perspective, it represents a kind of social advancement.† Financial independence resulting from a surge of women in the workforce seems to be driving the divorce rate. Chinese women now actually do hold up half the sky. They account for more than 46 percent of the total working population according to statistics. Women experts and entrepreneurs have come to the forefront in large numbers, playing key roles in hi-tech industries as well as large and medium state-owned enterprises. This has helped level the balance. â€Å"In the past, women were very dependent on men for survival. They were not allowed to work. Today in China, women earn their own money. They are becoming more and more independent, and so they need not remain married to men that aren't loyal to them,† said Huang Yan Ling, an English teacher at the Zibo Foreign Language School. Huang was raised in Zibo, the rural northeastern city in Shandong Province where she now teaches middle school. As a mother herself, and someone who grew up away from the relatively liberal atmosphere of the rapidly westernizing cities along China's eastern coast, she isn't a loud supporter of the spate of divorces. â€Å"I think it is very bad for the children,† she emphasized, when asked why she balked at the trend. Nevertheless, she is delighted that increasing numbers of Chinese women are standing up for themselves, and places the blame for failed marriages squarely on the infidelity of the men involved. â€Å"When most men approach middle age, they have a lot of money. When they have money, they look for younger girls because they just want to have fun. They don't really love their wives,† she suggested matter-of-factly. â€Å"So it is good for some women to file for divorce.† Nevertheless, there is room for tightening up the law to facilitate separations while preventing the situation from spiraling out of hand. One of the ways Huang points to is increasing the amount of alimony payable as child support. â€Å"In China, if a couple files for divorce, the woman usually gets custody of the child. This places her in a difficult position. The man can get away with making payments as low as 300 Reminbi Yuan (approximately $38) per month,† she explained. â€Å"I think this is not right. Men should be made to pay more. That way, maybe they will think twice about cheating on their wives.† At the end of the day, whether bane or boon, China's climbing divorce rate is an indicator of significant social change. Mao's China has opened up for women doors they could never previously have hoped to unlock. Today, women wear the pants in many families here. And although you won't get their husbands to admit it, most married men live in peril of their wives ire. Take Yu Ke Hong for example, one of my colleagues at the Zibo Foreign Language School. A month ago, my brother-in-law, Brian, and I, tried to coax him into buying a dog for his family while we were out pet shopping at the weekend â€Å"dog market.† Yu laughed when we presented the suggestion, then added candidly that his wife would â€Å"throw him out of the house† if he showed up on his doorstep with the cute Chinese Shar-Pie we had picked out for him since she didn't care much for dogs. Enough said. You know who calls the shots in his household. Leon D'souza is a frequent contributor to the Hard News Cafe